





Book_ 

THE BEQUEST OF 

DANIEL MURRAY 

WASHINGTON, D. C. 

1925 































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_ 


TAMMANY 

HALL 


*Os. 


£/f 


FUSION 

t^JL' 7 ^ Tfc^ lf<h^XsvC> 

= OR =——— 


Organized Democracy 
Against 

Disorganized Aristocracy 
and Bastard Reform 

















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% 3 /& 

^75 




The bequest of 
Daniel IVI array, 
Washington, D, G« 
1925 , 






1 ‘ Ingratitude is monstrous, and, for the multitude to be ungrateful, were to 
make a monster of the multitude.— Shakespeare. 

The paramount issue in this campaign for the Colored voter 
is whether he will support a Woodrow Wilson-anti-Tammany Demo¬ 
crat, in the person of John Purroy Mitchel, or a straight organization, 
Tammany Hall Democrat, in the person of Judge Edward E. McCall. 

After the traitorous, un-American, unjust, undemocratic and hypo¬ 
critical conduct of President Woodrow Wilson toward the Colored 
American, the Wilson brand of democracy on any candidate ought to 
damn him eternally in the eyes of the Colored voter. 

Never have the Colored voters of this city had less reason to 
support a political party than they have to support the so-called 
Fusion party this year. 

With the Board of Estimate during the past four years in control 
of the Fusion forces, the budget has been increased by many millions, 
property has been assessed enormously, the tax rate has advanced, 
rents have, consequently, been raised, 75,000 school children are on 
part time, no playgrounds have been established in those sections of 
the city occupied by Colored citizens, and, with the exception of 
three men elected as organization Republicans four years ago,—Whit¬ 
man, Prendergast and Grifenhagen,—no member of the Fusion party, 
elected four years ago, has appointed a single Colored citizen to 
office. Three of these men, Mitchel, McAneny and Schneider, are 
running again for office this year. In spite of the duplicity and 
dishonesty of the Fusion parties toward him in the past, the Fusion- 
Reform party this year is again asking the Colored voter to support 
loyally and enthusiastically a combination of politically incompatible 
elements, as diverse as the motley ingredients of the witches’ caul¬ 
dron in Shakespeare’s “Macbeth,” made up of Republicans, Progres¬ 
sives, Independence Leaguers, and all brands of independent Demo¬ 
cratic organizations, including Wilson Democrats, that are trying to 
destroy the greatest and fairest political organization in the country 
for the Colored voter, the organization that has been his consistent 
and unfailing friend for many years,— Tammany Hall. 

A history of the attitude of the Fusion parties in this city 
toward the Colored voter since 1894 ought to convince him, if he 
has a grain of intelligence, gratitude and honor, that he would be a 
traitor to the best interests of his race, and would be driving a nail 
into his own coffin, to vote the Fusion ticket on November 4. 

Three times in this city since 1894 has the Fusion party been 
[V. successful through the material assistance given by the Colored voters. 
Let us see what has been his reward. 


3 


First: In 1894, William L. Strong was elected Mayor for three 
years, with the entire Fusion ticket. Under this administration, the 
Colored voters received (a) a clerk in the Magistrates’ Court; (b) 
an inspector in the Water Department; (c) a messenger in the Mayor’s 
office; (d) the appointment by Col. Waring, the Democratic Street 
Cleaning Commissioner, of a number of Colored men as sweepers, or 
drivers. 

These positions paid altogether, exclusive of the men in the 
Street Cleaning Department, $4,000 a year. 

When a delegation of representative Colored men waited on 
Mayor Strong to ask for the appointment of a Colored man to a 
representative position, he told the delegation that he had given them 
a representative appointment in the person of Daniel Slater, his 
messenger. 

Second: In 1901, after the creation of the greater city, Seth 
Low was elected Mayor, and, also, the entire Fusion city and New 
York County ticket. The county ticket was elected by pluralities 
ranging from 5,000 to 18,000. 

Under this administration, the Colored voters received (a) a 
county detective (now called process server) in the District At¬ 
torney’s office; (b) an executive clerk in the Mayor’s office; (c) three 
stenographers appointed from the civil service list. 

These positions paid, altogether, $5,650 a year. 

Third: In 1909, the entire Fusion city and New York County 
ticket, with the exception of Mayor, was elected. 

During the four years that this administration has been in power, 
the Colored voters have received (a) an assistant district attorney in 
the District Attorney’s office; (b) a bank messenger in the Comp¬ 
troller’s office; (c) a laborer from the civil service list in the 
Register’s office (d) a cleaner for less than a year in the Sheriff’s 
office. This man was removed before the expiration of a year, and 
no Colored man was appointed to succeed him. 

These positions pay, altogether, $4,820 a year. 

To sum up, the Fusion party in this city, during its three admin¬ 
istrations, has given to the Colored voter, in return for his support, 
exclusive of men in the Street Cleaning Department, an average of 
$4,823 a year. 

To compare the record of Tammany Hall toward the Colored 
voter since 1897, with the record of the Fusion parties is like com¬ 
paring Hyperion to a satyr. 

In 1897, Tammany Hall, under its matchless leader, Richard 
Croker, received into its ranks a considerable number of Colored 
voters. It was the first political organization in the history of the 
country to lay down the principle that it would reward the Colored 
voter in proportion to his numerical strength, and to live up to that 
principle after election. The mantle of Croker soon fell upon the 
shoulders of that clean, fearless, fair, astute and magnificent leader of 
men, Charles F. Murphy, the present leader of Tammany Hall. Vili- 


4 


fled, as no man before was ever vilified, by dastards in the pulpit, in the 
editorial room, and in the seats of governmental power, he has con¬ 
founded and dismayed his enemies, and has silenced their malignant 
and malicious tongues by hurling into their teeth a challenge to them 
to show anything dishonorable in his public, or his private life. And, 
after having had turned on him for years a continuous searchlight from 
a villainous and venomous press and pulpit, he stands to-day un¬ 
tarnished, with a reputation for honor, and honesty, and morality, and 
fairmindedness, and charity, and human sympathy, equal to that of 
any in the community, and far superior to that of those assassins of 
reputation who clothe themselves with the mantle of hypocrisy, and 
rally around the banner of Fusion and Reform. 

Frederick A. Cleveland, Ph. D., LL. D., in his recent work 
“Organized Democracy,” has this to say of the political leader: 

“A boss is commonly one of the most intelligent and efficient 
citizens that we have. His guiding motive may not be the public wel¬ 
fare, but he has had a clearer concept of the essential features of 
democracy than has the reformer, who dreams of high statesmanship 
in terms of abstract morality, but who lacks the touch and balance of 
facts about the everyday life of the people. The boss is the only one 
who makes it his business to know what is necessary to supply the 
community needs which are brought home to him. He has been the 
only one who had a comprehensive citizen program. * * * 

“The boss has made citizenship his business. With the reformer 
citizenship has been only an emotion.” 

This country has never produced political leaders that have pre¬ 
served so well not only the form but also the spirit of democracy, and 
have been so imbued with the American spirit of fair play and the 
American principle of equal opportunity, as Richard Croker and 
Charles F. Murphy. These political leaders have done for the Colored 
voter in a matter-of-fact, every-day-sort-of-a-way things, the doing of 
half of which by Republican leaders would have raised them to the 
ranks of demi-gods in the eyes of grateful Colored citizens. 

To-day, through the kindness of Tammany Hall, Colored citizens 
are receiving nearly $600,000 a year from the treasury of the city. 

The following are nearly all of the positions held by Colored 
citizens in this city under the Democratic party since 1897: 

District Attorney’s office: 

Assistant District Attorney. 

Diary Clerk. 

Two messengers. 

Corporation Counsel’s office: 

Assistant Corporation Counsel. 

Confidential attendant. 

T#x Department: 

Deputy Commissioner of Taxes. 

Two clerks. 

Messenger. 


Finance Department: 

Law clerk. 

Two clerks. 

Messenger. 

Mayor’s office: 

Two Sealers of Weights and Measures. 
Executive clerk. 

City Chamberlain’s office: 

Bank messenger. 

Messenger. 

Department of Water Supply, etc.: 
Assistant Engineer. 

Two Inspectors of Water Meters. 
Inspector of Hydrants. 

Three clerks. 

Messenger. 

Borough President’s office, Manhattan: 
Inspector of Highways. 

Inspector of Vaults. 

Foreman. 

Five Corporation Inspectors. 

Clerk. 

Cleaner. 

Elevator attendant. 

Sheriff’s office: 

Assistant Deputy Sheriff. 

Three cleaners. 

Fire Department: 

Deputy Inspector of Combustibles. 
Inspector of Oils. 

Clerk. 

First Grade Fireman. 

Driver. 

Department of Health: 

Four Sanitary Inspectors. 

Clerk. 

Seven Inspectors of Disinfectant. 
Several nurses. 

Typewriting copyist. 

Police Department: 

Two patrolmen. 

Dock Department: 

Two stenographers. 

Two clerks. 

Six marine stokers. 

Thirty laborers. 


Commissioner of Licenses: 

Inspector of Licenses. 

Register’s office: 

Two copyists. 

Tenement House Department: 

Clerk. 

Bridge Department: 

Engineman. 

Marine stoker. 

Marine sounder. 

Stenographer. 

Watchman. 

Six laborers. 

Surrogate’s office: 

Messenger. 

Department of Charities: 

Messenger. 

Park Department: 

Twelve laborers. 

Department of Sewers: 

Two laborers. 

Street Cleaning Department: 

Two detail foremen. 

Inspector of Mud Scows. 

Inspector of Garbage. 

Over six hundred (600) drivers and sweepers. 

Borough President’s office, Bronx: 

Messenger. 

Borough President’s office, Queens and Richmond: 
Several laborers. 

Register’s office, Brooklyn: 

Clerk. 

Coroner’s office, Brooklyn: 

Clerk. 

District Attorney’s office, Brooklyn: 

Clerk. 

Board of Education: 

Seventy female teachers. 

Six male teachers. 

Assistant musical director. 


7 


The following offices have been held in this State by Colored 
citizens through the gift of the Democratic party since its return 
to power in 1911, under the leadership of Charles F. Murphy: 

Two Special Deputy Attorney-Generals. 

Deputy State Excise Inspector. 

Two Special Deputy State Excise Inspectors. 

Messenger, Department of Education. 

Three typewriting copyists. 

Four Deputy State Superintendents of Election. 

Three Special Deputy State Superintendents of Election. 

Janitors and assistant janitors of the Senate and Assembly, and 
messenger of the Assembly. 

In the face of this overwhelming record of deeds on the part of 
the Democratic party of this city for a period of sixteen years, the 
so-called Negro leaders and the so-called Negro race journals are 
asking you to vote for John Purroy Mitchel and the Fusion party, 
because, forsooth, before a body of Colored ministers, he made some 
pre-election statement that he believed in treating the Colored man 
fairly. 

Can they so soon forget Woodrow Wilson and his fair words and 
promises ? 

The biblical maxim “By their fruits ye shall know them” ought 
to be for the Colored voter the touchstone by which to test the 
sincerity of those that profess to be his friends. 

There are to-day over 600 Colored men in the Street Cleaning 
Department getting from $780 to $800 a year. This amounts to nearly 
$470,000 a year; about 20 Colored men in the Dock Department, 4 in 
the Park Department, 5 in the Bridge Department, 2 in the Sewer 
Department and about 30 in the offices of the Borough Presidents of 
Queens and Richmond. The salaries of these men range from $780 to 
$1,200 a year, making a total amount of about $44,000 yearly. 

These men have to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow. 
Dependent upon them for support are nearly 3,500 souls. There is 
hardly a Colored religious, or fraternal organization in the city that 
is not affected by their material prosperity. 

This alone ought to be sufficient to silence the malicious, venomous, 
dishonest and hypocritical tongues of those so-called Negro leaders 
in the pulpit, in the editorial chair, and in politics, that from time to 
time break out in senseless, bitter denunciations of Tammany Hall, 
the best friend that the Negro in this city has to-day. 

Add to the above totals the salaries of those Colored men in the 
higher positions in the Corporation Counsel’s office, Borough Presi¬ 
dent’s office, Sheriff’s office, Surrogate’s office, Department of Finance, 
City Chamberlain’s office, Dock Department, Department of Water 
Supply, etc., Bridge Department and Department of Health, and you 
have $27,000 more a year. 


8 


This makes a grand total of over $540,000 a year, exclusive of the 
salaries of the school teachers, and, also, of the salaries of those in 
State positions under the Democratic party. 

In addition to these positions, about 500 Colored men, principally 
through the influence of Democratic district leaders, are employed 
by Democratic contractors, receiving wages averaging $720 a year. 
This would amount to $360,000 yearly. 

This, added to the sum $540,000 received from political 
positions, brings the total to the enormous sum of over 
$900,000 a year, received directly, or indirectly, through the 
Democratic party, and supporting about 5,000 souls, or one- 
twentieth of the entire Colored population of New York City. 

While both Republican and Democratic Presidents and legislators 
have been violating the ideals and fundamental principles of the Ameri¬ 
can republic, while Young Men and Young Women’s Christian 
Associations, Sunday School unions, Christian Endeavor Societies, and 
many of the church denominations with which many of the Negro 
preachers of the city are connected, are insulting and degrading the 
manhood of their Colored members by adopting a “Jim Crow” policy, 
Tammany Hall, whom the brazen-throated hypocritical Negro purists 
in the pulpit, and the poison-penned Negro sycophants in the editorial 
chair exult in denouncing as corrupt, has been for years, in the face of 
bitter criticism, carrying aloft the banner of pure democracy—a democ¬ 
racy that believes in a fair chance and an equal opportunity for all, 
regardless of race, or creed. Tammany Hall asks to be judged upon 
its record in its treatment of the Colored citizens of this city, and not 
upon pre-election promises, so glibly indulged in by John Purroy 
Mitchel, the Fusion candidate for Mayor, who, during his four years 
in office, has not appointed one Colored man to office. 

The reason why Fusion parties in this city have given the Colored 
voter such little recognition is not far to seek. Made up of many 
incompatible political elements, distrustful of one another’s honesty, 
in their mad struggle for office they try to parcel out the spoils before 
election. Inasmuch as the Colored voters do not belong to independent 
Democratic organizations, or to the Independence League, the candi¬ 
dates from these parties, or pseudo-parties, since they have been placed 
on the ticket so that in case of election they may reward their own 
political branch, feel under no obligation to reward the Colored brother. 
He must rely, if at all, upon regular party organization men. This 
explains why the Colored voter received recognition during the last 
four years from Whitman, Prendergast and Grifenhagen, regular 
organization men, but received no recognition from the independent 
Democrats, Mitchel, McAneny and Schneider. 

The Colored voter, therefore, if he votes for the Fusion ticket, 
•will have to rely upon the three Republicans, Whitman, Grifenhagen 
and Marks, and the Progressive, Prendergast, for recognition in case 
of election. But Whitman and Prendergast have rewarded him. His 


9 


recognition must come, then, only from Marks and Grifenhagen. 
Although a Republican district leader, Shea, was Sheriff for two years 
preceding the term of the Democratic Sheriff, Julius Harburger, he 
appointed no Colored man as assistant Deputy Sheriff as Harburger 
did, and it is fair to assume that he represented the attitude of the 
Republican organization. The Colored voter, therefore, if he votes the 
Fusion ticket, will restrict his opportunities for appointment to the 
sole position of Borough President for which Marks is a candidate. 

On the other hand, if he votes the Tammany ticket, on which are 
only organization men, there is an opportunity for appointment from 
every man on the ticket. 

Is it any wonder that the race is losing confidence in its Negro 
leaders, when all the so-called Negro newspapers, and all of the Negro 
ministers of the larger churches are advocating the election of the 
Fusion ticket instead of the Tammany Hall ticket? 

The greatest menace to the race to-day is the so-called Negro 
leader. Because of the intellectual dishonesty, moral cowardice and 
race treachery of these so-called race leaders, the Colored citizen to-day 
is in a state of political slavery. His emancipation will come only 
through the overthrow of these false, treacherous, cowardly and venal 
race leaders. 

Those hypocrites in the pulpit, or in the editorial chair, that have 
for years been driven to the last ditch to find some excuse for their 
dishonorable conduct in advising the Colored voter against Tammany 
Hall, his best friend, have at last been robbed of their only pretext 
and cannot now say to an unsuspecting public: 

“Tammany Hall is too corrupt, I cannot support it.” 

Mayor William J. Gaynor is Tammany Hall’s gift to New York 
City. He was nominated by a Tammany Hall convention, and elected 
on a Tammany Hall ticket. 

Never in the history of this city have the life and property of the 
Colored citizen been more secure than under Mayor Gaynor, and never 
did any one wage such a relentless warfare against all forms of vice, 
immorality and official oppression as he. 

He protected the Colored citizen from police brutality. He investi¬ 
gated discriminations in hospitals and theatres. His Commissioner 
put a stop to discriminations in jails. And, by reason of the rule that 
he enforced—to appoint applicants as they stood on the civil service 
list— a Democratic Police Commissioner appointed two Colored men 
to the police force, the first since the consolidation of the city. 

Never in the history of the city did the Colored citizens have 
greater reason for civic pride and civic loyalty than under Mayor 
Gaynor’s administration. 

Surely, for these acts of justice, the Colored voter ought to show 
his appreciation to Tammany Hall. 

There are three more overwhelming reasons why the Colored 
voters, on November 4, ought to show their gratitude to Tammany 
Hall, by voting for Judge Edward E. McCall. 


10 


First, the passage of the Levy Bill, amending and extending the 
provisions of the Civil Rights Bill, a reaffirmation on the part of the 
Democratic party of this State that it believes in the equality of all 
men before the law. 

Second, the passage of the Carswell Bill, creating the Emancipa¬ 
tion Proclamation Commission, and appropriating $25,000 for the 
celebration of the Proclamation of Emancipation. This is the first time 
in the history of the State that an appropriation was made peculiarly 
benefiting the Colored citizen. The Democratic organization had 
introduced a bill appropriating $50,000, but upon the threat of 
Governor Sulzer that he would veto it, unless it was reduced to 
$25,000, that bill was withdrawn and the Carswell Bill substituted. 
This bill w T as passed through the Legislature at the special request 
of the Tammany Hall leader, Mr. Charles F. Murphy, who desired 
to show his appreciation of the progress of the Colored people of this 
country. 

Third, the passage of the Kane Bill, creating a Negro Regiment 
in the National Guard of this State, introduced by Assemblyman 
Kane, the Democratic Assemblyman from the 21st Assembly District, 
for whom every Colored voter in that district should vote, and passed 
at the special request of Mr. Murphy, after Governor Sulzer tried to 
strangle it in the Military Committee of the Senate. This is the first 
time in the history of the State that there has been any unit of 
organization in the National Guard composed of Colored men. For 
sixteen years, the efforts of the Colored citizens of New York had been 
blocked by Republican governors, legislators, and politicians. Not once 
did the Colored Republican leaders dare to request their party to 
father such a bill, knowing what would be its fate. 

In 1911, the first Democratic Legislature in sixteen years, at its 
first session, passed a bill for a Negro Regiment in the National Guard, 
introduced by Assemblyman Louis A. Cuvillier, the Democratic As¬ 
semblyman of the 30th Assembly District, for whom every Colored 
voter in that district ought to vote. 

This bill, because of its many imperfections in construction, was 
withdrawn from the Governor. 

In 1912, the Assembly was Republican, there being 98 Republi¬ 
cans out of 150. A bill for a battalion was drawn, but was killed in 
the Military Committee, controlled by Republicans, without having 
been given a decent hearing. This shows the attitude of the Republi¬ 
can party toward a Negro Regiment in this State. 

In 1913, the Legislature was again Democratic, and, again, a bill 
for a Negro Regiment in this State was passed at the special request 
and efforts of Mr. Charles F. Murphy, supplemented by the efforts of 
the Tammany Hall United Colored Democracy of this city. This bill 
was signed by the Democratic Governor, William Sulzer, after mem¬ 
bers of the Tammany Hall United Colored Democracy had argued 
away before him every objection that had been urged against it. 


li 


The credit for the passage of the Negro Regiment Bill is due 
solely to the fairness of the Democratic party in this State. 

Will the Colored voters of this city have intelligence enough to 
show their gratitude to Tammany Hall and its leader, Charles F. 
Murphy, for the Emancipation Proclamation Commission, composed 
of all Colored commissioners, and for the bill for a Negro Regiment 
in the National Guard? 

If they do not, then, for their base ingratitude and ignorance, 
Tammany Hall ought to withdraw its support from them. 


A WORD AS TO THE CANDIDATES. 


John Purroy Mitchel’s grandfather, John Mitchel, was exiled 
to Australia for his part in the Irish rebellion of 1848. Although 
Mitchel’s grandfather fought for the freedom of Ireland, his father, 
Capt. James Mitchel, and two of his uncles, fought in the Confederate 
Army against the freedom of the slave. 

After the treasonable conduct displayed by President Wilson, 
who was born in the South, toward the Colored American, the Colored 
American is justifiably suspicious of men of Southern birth, or sym¬ 
pathies, and no fair pre-election promises can wipe it out. There is a 
deep motive in Wilson’s selection for office of so many men of 
Southern birth, or sympathies. 

Judge Edward E. McCall is thoroughly imbued with the American 
spirit. On the bench, he was the fair and impartial judge. 

Repudiating the un-American doctrine of Judge Dugro, Judge 
McCall in his instructions to the jury in the case of Griffin, a Colored 
man, against Brady, a white man, for false arrest, enunciated the 
true spirit of American jurisprudence, as follows: 

“Gentlemen, we will close our eyes to the fact * * * of the 
difference in color. It makes no difference to us as to the color of one’s 
skin in the case of litigants. It does not make the slightest difference 
to us whether one of the litigants is white and the other is dark—one 
a Caucasian and the other a Negro. What difference does that make 
in a court of justice? They both have equal rights here and they are 
each entitled to even and exact justice—nothing more and nothing 
less.” 


This exposition of the law was made on March 30, 1910, and is 
no pre-election, campaign statement. 

Judge Warren W. Foster, a candidate for re-election as Judge of 
the Court of General Sessions, has been on the bench for fourteen 
years. During that time he has proved himself to be a learned, fear¬ 
less and impartial judge, and so fair to Colored defendants, and so 
courteous to Colored lawyers, that he is receiving the hearty support 
of every Colored lawyer in New York County. 


12 


No truer test of the hypocrisy and sham of the so-called Fusion- 
Reform movement could have been given than the failure of the 
Fusion party to indorse this clean, conscientious, able, fearless and 
impartial judge for re-election. 

Herman A. Metz, the candidate for Comptroller on the Demo¬ 
cratic ticket, has been for years a loyal friend of the Colored citizens 
of this city, and has interested himself in all movements for their 
uplift. 

When he was Comptroller, in addition to the two Colored men in 
his office, he selected and was about to appoint the late Samuel R. 
Scroton, formerly a member of the Board of Education, to a very 
representative position in his office, when Mr. Scroton was taken sick 
and died. 

Julius Harburger, the present Democratic Sheriff of New York 
County, is a candidate for Coroner on the Democratic ticket. Sheriff 
Harburger has not only appointed two Colored men in his office, one 
an Assistant Deputy Sheriff, Edward E. Lee, the first in the history 
of this county, to whom he has often referred as one of the most 
competent men in his office, but he has on several occasions denounced 
the State Boxing Commission for its illegal, un-American, dishonest, 
and unfair discrimination against Colored boxers. 

What decent Colored man could vote against Julius Harburger, 
candidate for Coroner? 

These men are on the straight Democratic ticket and are all true 
friends to the race. 


A FEW FACTS TO REMEMBER 

1. That the Democratic party in this State was the first to give 
the Colored citizens the right to vote. 

2. That it is the only party in this State that ever elected a 
Colored man as a judge. 

Judge James C. Matthews, in 1896, was elected judge of the 
Recorder’s Court in Albany in a constituency almost wholly white. 

3. That it is the only party in this State that ever gave the 
Colored citizens of this State some unit of organization in the National 
Guard— a Negro Regiment. 

4. That it was the first to abolish separate schools in New York 
City. 

5. That it was the first to appropriate money of the State for 
an enterprise of peculiar interest to the Colored citizens, to be expended 
by a commission composed entirely of Colored men. 

6. That it was the first to appoint Colored men to representative 
positions in New York City. 


13 


7. That it was the first to appoint in the greater city of New 
York Colored policemen, who, in obedience to the request of Colored 
citizens, have been assigned to preserve order in the sections occupied 
by Colored people. 

8. That the Democratic party will be the first to respond to the 
demand that the Colored citizens of New York have been making for 
years, that a competent lawyer from their race group be appointed a 
City Magistrate, in order to check the growing infringement upon 
their rights, as well as to stamp out the various forms of vice and 
immorality with which sections of the city, occupied by the young 
and the respectable element of the race, are honeycombed. 

“Who would be free, himself must strike the blow.” 

An ungrateful, unthinking mass, of whatever race, cannot long 
command the respect of men. Every request made to the Demo¬ 
cratic leader of this State and city, Mr. Charles P. Murphy, by the 
Colored Democratic organization has been complied with. 

The Democratic party in this State has reached the acme of 
political fairness toward the Colored voter. 

It remains to be seen whether the Colored voters of this city 
and State are worthy to be treated as men. 

There is not one valid reason why you should support the Fusion 
ticket. 

But there are a thousand reasons why you should support the 
Democratic ticket. 

Vote on Election Day, November 4, by putting your cross (X) in 
the circle under the star (★). 



TAMMANY HALL UNITED COLORED DEMOCRACY OF THE 
COUNTY OF NEW YORK 
122 West 136th Street 
Telephone, Momingside 5481 




































